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In-Depth Analysis· UN Security Council reform the world is bigger than five

'The World Is Bigger Than Five': UN Security Council Reform and COP31 Climate Diplomacy

Türkiye's 'The world is bigger than five' thesis on UN Security Council reform, compared with G4, UfC and African proposals, plus Zero Waste and COP31.

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⏱ 9 min read (1,971 words)

Why It Matters

The question is whether the UN Security Council, designed in 1945, can remain legitimate and effective when its five permanent members hold a veto over decisions that affect all 193 UN member states. Türkiye answers with the phrase The world is bigger than five (Dünya beşten büyüktür): reform should widen representation and accountability rather than add more permanent privileges. Ankara links this argument to its climate diplomacy, notably the Zero Waste initiative and its role as host of COP31, because both rest on the claim that global problems require inclusive institutions.

Background

How the Council is built

The Security Council has 15 members: five permanent (China, France, Russia, the United Kingdom and the United States) and ten elected non-permanent members serving two-year terms. Article 27(3) of the UN Charter gives each permanent member a veto over substantive decisions. Article 24 states that members confer on the Council primary responsibility for international peace and security, acting on their behalf.

Timeline of reform efforts

Date Milestone
1945 UN Charter enters into force; the Council has 11 members
1963–1965 General Assembly resolution 1991 (XVIII) enlarges the Council from 11 to 15; the amendment takes effect on 31 August 1965. It remains the only enlargement
1993 An Open-Ended Working Group on Council reform is created
2005 The African Union adopts the Ezulwini Consensus; the G4 table a draft resolution that is never put to a vote
2009 Intergovernmental Negotiations (IGN) begin in the General Assembly
2022 General Assembly resolution 76/262 requires a General Assembly debate after a veto is cast
2024 The Pact for the Future, adopted on 22 September, commits states to Council reform, including redressing Africa's under-representation

Why amendment is so hard

Article 108 requires a two-thirds vote in the General Assembly and ratification by two-thirds of member states, including all five permanent members. In practice every permanent member holds a second veto over reform itself. The IGN has met for more than a decade and a half without producing an agreed negotiating text. Sessions typically end with a procedural rollover.

Climate diplomacy: the facts

  • Zero Waste: Launched in Türkiye in 2017 under the leadership of Emine Erdoğan. In 2020 UN Secretary-General António Guterres established a High-Level Advisory Board on Zero Waste, chaired by her. In December 2022 the General Assembly adopted resolution 77/161, proclaiming 30 March as the International Day of Zero Waste.
  • Paris Agreement: Türkiye's parliament (TBMM) approved the agreement in October 2021, and Ankara announced a 2053 net-zero target. Türkiye updated its national contribution in 2023 and adopted a national Climate Law in 2025 that provides for an emissions trading system.
  • COP31: At COP30 in Belém (November 2025), parties accepted a compromise under which Türkiye hosts COP31 in Antalya in November 2026, while Australia holds a negotiating-presidency role and a pre-COP takes place in the Pacific. Readers should check the UNFCCC secretariat for the exact allocation of roles.

The Council has also been a climate arena. In December 2021 a draft resolution linking climate change and security won 12 votes but failed after a Russian veto, with India voting against and China abstaining.

Key Players & Positions

Five reform camps shape the debate. Each speaks through its own official documents and General Assembly statements.

Group / actor Core proposal Veto position
G4 (Brazil, Germany, India, Japan) New permanent seats for the four, plus African representation, and more non-permanent seats Has signalled flexibility on whether new permanent members would exercise the veto immediately
Uniting for Consensus (UfC), incl. Italy, Pakistan, Spain, Argentina, Canada, Mexico, Republic of Korea, Türkiye No new permanent seats; a larger Council with new longer-term elected seats and immediate re-election options Favours restraint and eventual limits on veto use
African Common Position (Ezulwini Consensus, 2005; Sirte Declaration) Two permanent and five non-permanent seats for Africa Argues that if the veto exists, Africa should hold it too; ultimately favours abolition
Permanent members Varied; most support some enlargement but none accepts losing the veto France backs veto restraint in mass-atrocity cases; Russia and China oppose limiting the veto
Türkiye See below Critical of veto-driven paralysis

What the permanent members say

  • The United States has publicly supported expanding both categories of seats, including permanent seats for African states, without extending the veto to new members.
  • France and the United Kingdom support enlargement, including new permanent members, and France promotes voluntary veto restraint in atrocity situations.
  • Russia has voiced support for greater representation of developing countries and for certain candidacies, but opposes limits on the veto.
  • China supports a larger role for developing countries, especially Africa, while remaining cautious about permanent expansion.

The obstacle: rival claims

Most reform blocs are shaped by regional rivalries. Italy contests Germany's claim, Pakistan contests India's, Mexico and Argentina contest Brazil's, and the Republic of Korea contests Japan's. In Africa, several large states compete for any permanent seat. The G4 argue that UfC's elected-seat model entrenches the status quo, while UfC members respond that permanent seats would create new inequalities and weaken accountability.

🇹🇷 Official Policy · Treaties, UN Records & Primary Sources

Türkiye's Position

Türkiye's Position: According to official statements by the Presidency of the Republic of Türkiye and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA), including Türkiye's interventions in the General Assembly and the Intergovernmental Negotiations.

  • Representation is the core issue. President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan has repeatedly told the General Assembly that the world is bigger than five. Ankara argues that the Council's structure reflects the 1945 balance of power, not today's world, and that it should be recalibrated to represent all regions. This is consistent with the sovereign equality principle of Article 2(1) of the UN Charter.
  • No new permanent seats. As a UfC member, Türkiye argues that adding permanent members would widen rather than narrow inequality. Turkish MFA statements favour a larger Council with longer-term elected seats and a regional rotation system, so that every state has a realistic chance of serving.
  • Restraint on the veto. Ankara contends that the veto has paralysed the Council during crises, including the Gaza war, and that the Council should be more answerable to the General Assembly. Türkiye supports the broad aim of resolution 76/262 to make veto use publicly accountable. See Türkiye's Gaza and Palestine Policy for the humanitarian dimension.
  • Transparency and accountability. The Turkish MFA stresses improved working methods, including open consultation with non-members and regular reporting to the General Assembly. Erdoğan's 2021 book A Fairer World Is Possible sets out the broader argument.
  • Climate diplomacy follows the same logic. Türkiye presents Zero Waste and its COP31 hosting role, as stated by the Presidency and the Ministry of Environment, Urbanization and Climate Change, as examples of inclusive, bottom-up multilateralism. Ankara also argues that its special circumstances under the UNFCCC framework should be reflected in access to climate finance.

Türkiye grounds its position in Articles 2(1), 23, 24, 27 and 108 of the UN Charter. It was elected to the Council for 2009–2010 and has announced a candidacy for 2033–2034. In practice Ankara has also acted as a convener beyond the Council, notably in the Black Sea grain diplomacy covered in Montreux Convention, the Black Sea and Türkiye's Russia–Ukraine Mediation.

Source Comparison

International commentary and Turkish official sources agree that the Council is stuck, but disagree on the remedy and on who is responsible.

Issue Western / international framing Turkish official framing What primary documents show
Purpose of the slogan Often read as rhetoric aimed at a domestic or Global South audience A principled case for legitimacy, repeated since the mid-2010s at the General Assembly Presidency transcripts and UN records confirm the argument is consistent
Permanent seats G4 and several permanent members see new permanent seats as realistic Rejects new permanent seats in favour of longer-term elected ones The UfC and G4 texts are publicly available and fundamentally different
UfC role Sometimes described as a blocking coalition Described as a consensus-seeking group guarding against new privilege IGN records show no group commands the votes required
Veto Debated mainly as a question of atrocity crimes Linked to humanitarian paralysis in Gaza and elsewhere Resolution 76/262 creates a debate mechanism but does not limit the veto
Climate Türkiye's COP31 role is examined in the context of its emissions and coal use Presented as Zero Waste leadership plus an inclusive host role Zero Waste resolution 77/161 is verifiable; Türkiye's NDC and the COP31 arrangements are on the UNFCCC record

Readers should note that Türkiye is a party to the debate and a Council candidate, so its arguments serve its own interests as well as general principles. That is also true of the G4, the African Union and the permanent members. Our sourcing approach is described in Editorial Principles and Primary Source Standards, and disputed claims about Türkiye are tested in Fact Check Arena.

What to watch

  • Whether the IGN produces a negotiating text rather than a rollover.
  • Implementation of the 2024 Pact for the Future language on Africa's representation.
  • Whether General Assembly debates after vetoes change the conduct of permanent members.
  • The final COP31 programme in Antalya and how Zero Waste is integrated into it.
  • Veto (Article 27(3)): the power of a permanent member to block any substantive Council decision.
  • IGN: Intergovernmental Negotiations on Council reform, held in the General Assembly since 2009.
  • G4: Brazil, Germany, India and Japan, who seek permanent seats.
  • Uniting for Consensus (UfC): a group of states, including Türkiye, opposing new permanent seats.
  • Ezulwini Consensus: the African Union's 2005 common position on Council reform.
  • Zero Waste: a Türkiye-led initiative that earned a UN International Day on 30 March.
  • COP31: the 31st UN climate conference, to be hosted in Antalya, Türkiye, in November 2026.

Related guides: Türkiye's Gaza and Palestine Policy, Montreux Convention, the Black Sea and Türkiye's Russia–Ukraine Mediation, Counter-Terrorism at the Source, About Diplomacy Arena, and the Diplomacy Arena home page.

Prepared by the Diplomacy Arena Editorial Team.

Perspective Note: Diplomacy Arena presents Türkiye's official perspective and legal theses alongside the counter-arguments of other parties, and clearly labels analysis as distinct from reporting. Claims are attributed to primary sources such as treaty texts, UN documents, official statements and archival records, with links provided wherever available. Sections marked 'Türkiye's Position' reflect official Turkish policy as stated by Turkish government sources.

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Frequently asked questions

What does 'The world is bigger than five' mean?

It is a phrase used by President Erdoğan in General Assembly addresses to argue that five permanent members cannot legitimately speak for 193 states. It calls for broader representation, accountability and an end to veto-driven paralysis rather than for new permanent privileges.

Does Türkiye want a permanent seat on the Security Council?

No. As a member of the Uniting for Consensus group, Türkiye opposes creating new permanent seats. It favours a larger Council with longer-term elected seats and rotation, and it has announced a candidacy for a non-permanent term in 2033–2034.

How do the G4, UfC and African proposals differ?

The G4 (Brazil, Germany, India, Japan) want new permanent seats for themselves and African representation. UfC rejects new permanent seats and proposes longer-term elected ones. The African Common Position demands two permanent seats with veto rights and five non-permanent seats for Africa.

Why has Security Council reform not happened?

Article 108 requires two-thirds approval by member states, including ratification by all five permanent members. Regional rivalries, such as Italy–Germany and Pakistan–India, split the reform camps, and the Intergovernmental Negotiations have not produced an agreed negotiating text.

How does COP31 relate to Türkiye's UN reform argument?

Türkiye presents both as part of an inclusive multilateralism agenda. It will host COP31 in Antalya in November 2026 under the arrangement agreed at COP30, and its Zero Waste initiative led the General Assembly to proclaim 30 March the International Day of Zero Waste.

Who holds the COP31 presidency?

According to the compromise reached at COP30 in Belém, Türkiye hosts COP31 in Antalya, while Australia holds a negotiating-presidency role and a pre-COP takes place in the Pacific. Check the UNFCCC secretariat for the formal allocation of responsibilities.

Perspective & Editorial Transparency Note

Diplomacy Arena presents Türkiye's official perspective and legal theses alongside the counter-arguments of other parties, and clearly labels analysis as distinct from reporting. Claims are attributed to primary sources such as treaty texts, UN documents, official statements and archival records, with links provided wherever available.

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